INTEGRATED SLUM DEVELOPMENT

CASE OF PRAVINAGAR-GUPTANAGAR

Rajendra Joshi[1]

 

Personal and Historical Perspective

Father Fr Ramiro Erviti, a Jesuit, introduced me to the slums of Ahmedabad in March 1984, through the slum resettlement project of Sankalitnagar in Juhapura[1]. I was appointed as an educationist to develop and use innovative methods that enabled children living in slums to learn and cope with school.

 

Apart from my brief for Non Formal Education (NFE), Father Erviti provided me with opportunities to observe and experience the lives of residents of Juhapura at a personal level. I worked closely with the youth and shared their dreams and frustrations. The tolerance and grit of the women, in the face of countless odds was inspiring. The helplessness of men unable to live within a hostile environment caused anguish. The potential of children, seemingly fated to whither away, created anger.

 

The fact that almost half of Ahmedabad痴 residents faced similar dilemmas and lived in similar conditions was a challenge that called for a creative sustainable response. This led to introspection, reflection and discussions about development in slums with Father Erviti. After many discussions and various workshops the germ of Integrated Slum Development (ISD) sprouted. The ISD was visualised as a process that would put The critical aspect was that the slum residents at are the centrale ofto development and provide them with opportunities to actualise their full and true potentials.

What was missing were opportunities by which their potential could be actualised.

In 1985, I started working in another slum in the city, namely Mahajan no Vando, located in the Jamalpur area[2]. From this work I learnt that the In this slum, my main learning was that residents were willing to pay for the purchase of land and provision of services. This was a revelation, quite a This lesson was a revelation as it was a departure from the widely held view that slum residents look for free services.

 

Unfortunately, Father Erviti died in May 1986, and to further the concept of ISD, SAATH was formed in February 1989.

SAATH痴 first intervention was working with the youth in the dilapidated chawl named Sankalchand Mukhi ni Chali, in the Behrampura area of eEastern Ahmedabad. The objective was to sensitise the youth towards development of the slum, by both, utilising actual development opportunities and creating those that did not exist.

 

The work with the youth reinforced my view that lack of opportunities did not allow dreams of the youth to materialise. There was an unstated perceived dichotomy between of slum dwelling youths versus better-off youths. The youth in the slums could not relate to an unresponsive system.

The youth in this slum formed a Community Based Organisation (CBO) named Ekta Yuvak Mandal, in 1991. This CBO took up the task of addressing the unmet developmental needs of their slum, such as, getting government documents (ration cards, certificates, etc.) and getting benefits from some AMC schemes (e.g. 80:20 toilet scheme[3]) and Gujarat government welfare schemes. With this, utilisation of nearby public hospitals and AMC痴 Urban Community Development (UCD) services increased in this slum. The credibility of these youth in their own slum increased.

Premises of ISD Situation Understanding

The concept of ISD was developed based on the understanding of the lives of the slum residents. The existing situation with regards to land tenure in the slums, occupation and income of the slum residents, education, health, women and girls, children and adult males was understood to develop this concept. The situation prior to taking up of ISD in any slum is briefly narrated below.

Land Status

The slum dwellers live in a constant fear of being evicted. In most cases they have paid a middlemen for the land, which does not have legal title. The city does not provide affordable housing with legal land title. The slum dwellers cannot leverage any credit by using the house or land as acceptable collateral. They cannot pay taxes even if they want to because taxation gives them legal status. In short, lack of legal land tenure convert the slum dwellers into secondary citizens of the city.

Basic Services

Slums do not have basic services. The ambiguity of land title and legal status prevents provision of formal infrastructure. As a result, political patronage becomes an alternative for planned development. Even when they want to pay for these services, they are unable to get water, drainage or sanitation. They have to make do with public toilets and water supply with all associated problems. Even when they keep their houses clean, they do not have option for solid waste removal from the slum settlement.

Occupation

Majority of the slum residents are first generation migrants from the rural areas. They possess skills that do not have any significant market in the cities. They have to learn new skills, which require long-term investment of time and resources, which they do not have. Their only option remains is getting engaged in occupations that are unskilled and menial, and where the incomes are low. These are also casual jobs. Irregularity of employment and no address of employment disqualify most of them from accessing credit for small businesses. Even, the land title for the house not being there, they are unable to offer collateral for any credit. Unscrupulous companies too take advantage of the ignorance of slum residents and cheat them. The banking in the formal sector does not welcome disbursement of small loan amounts to the slum residents as that is quite expensive for these organisations. Hence, the slum residents are forced to borrow from usurious moneylenders.

Education

Majority of children in slums are first generation students, whose parents may be illiterate. They do not get the parental support or guidance required for coping with formal education. They lack learning materials. Moreover, children from slums are not 菟roperly clothed. Shortage of water prevents cleanliness. These factors, when compared to those of other children attending school, leads to a condescending attitude from teachers who label them as underachievers. Children from slums are looked down upon. These reasons lead to a high failure and dropout rate. For girls, formal schooling is more difficult because traditional attitudes do not favour long termlong-term education.

 

Even those few who manage to secure a college degree are disillusioned when they fail to get employment. They then have to learn a new earning skill. This leads to a belief that 12 or 15 years of formal education are a waste of resources.

 

Lack of formal education closes opportunities for technical education, making learning of formal earning skills difficult. Consequently, a majority is forced to join the informal sector doing menial work.

Health

Health is a major economic issue for slum residents. The unhealthy physical environment leads to sickness, which leads to costs for continuing medical treatment, which leads to reduction of workdays and economic loss. Economic loss leads to inability to invest in clean environment. The vicious cycle continues.

 

Treatment at government hospitals is apparently cheaper, but is inconvenient to the slum residents because of time lost in waiting for the treatment and often, indifferent attitude of the medical staff. Instead, they prefer more expensive private treatment.

Low education and ignorance leads to continuation of wrong beliefs and unscientific attitude towards health. The outcome is incomplete immunisation, insufficient gynaecological check up during pregnancy, unsafe deliveries at home and improper post-natal care of mothers and children especially in terms of diet and immunisation. Incomplete tuberculosis (TB) and malaria treatment leads to recurrences and relapses. The need for fast cures helps propagate the myth that expensive treatment is good treatment

Women and Girls

Women and girls in slums have a poor quality of life. The lack of basic services affects them the most. They have to spend considerable time collecting potable water and getting rid of waste waterwastewater. Having to defecate in open spaces is a health and social hazard. Looking after children who are frequently sick, husbands who do not earn adequately and can be drunk and trying to ensure that the family gets a meal every day. Women are most disadvantaged in slums.

 

Girls have to look after younger siblings when both parents go to work. Combined with a traditional bias against educating girls they are often not sent to school or drop out at an early stage. Girls do not have the exposure to everyday city life situations, which men, women and young men youthhave. As a result they are often anxiety prone and stressed.

Children

The unhealthy and polluted environment, lack of immunisation, malnutrition and absence of educational exposure affects children in slums. Sadly, their physical, emotional and intellectual growth is stunted from a very early age.

Men and Youth

Men in slums have inadequate earning skills leading to low incomes and an inability to provide adequate resources for household expenses. This leads to frustration, which is often expressed through escapism in addiction of various types. The need to provide an adequate quality of life combined with a lack of formal earning skills forces the option of extra legal activities.

 

The youth areis frustrated, as theyhe simply does not have the opportunities that their his better- off peers have. This results in a cynical and diffident attitude, which becomes a handicap during adulthood.

Concept

During 1990-91 period, ISD was developed from a theoretical framework to an implementable programme based on the past personal experience and understanding the lives of slum residents. Up to the 1990s, the existing development paradigm of central planning considered slum residents as passive recipients of developmental inputs and not as active participants in the development processes affecting them. This welfare approach to slum development had created an overall feeling that the slum residents were inferior citizens of the city and hence the government had to take the burden of developing the slums. From an activist痴 viewpoint, there was a greater concern; that slum residents themselves were internalising this attitude, leading to decreased self-esteem and a diffident attitude. The ISD concept was developed assuming that the slum residents themselves were willing to be active participants in their own development process.

The critical need was to create opportunities through which slum residents became active change agents of development. It was thought that meeting the basic developmental needs of health, education, economic betterment and physical services in a tangible manner could create the opportunities/options for the slum dwellers. It would enhance their quality of life and in this proactive process bring about change and enhance the self imageself-image of slum residents. The ISD was conceptualised with programmes that would enable the slum residents to realise their potential by:

i) Increasing their management and technical expertise,

ii) Nurturing leadership, and

iii) Enhancing their self-esteem and self-confidence

It was believed that these three activities would start a virtuous dynamic cycle of actions for development. The intervention would begin with improvement in skills and capacities, that would lead to improvement in quality of life, that would enhance their self worth, which would lead to critical reflection and finally to more actions for development. This framework provided design and structure of ISD. Based on that, a Frame of Reference (FOR) was prepared. The main components in ISD痴 Frame Of Reference (FOR) were:

i) To address all development needs of health, education, economic betterment, physical upgradation and human aspirations,

ii) Slum residents would be participants by paying, deciding and implementing,

iii) Development processes would proactively effect women,

iv) Partnerships with concerned institutions and individuals, and

v) Values of integrity, quality, sensitivity would be inherent.

Structure of ISD

ISD has four sectors and eight programmes that are separate functional units but have intrinsic linkages. These programmes address specific needs in the slum and are designed to be dynamic. All programmes presuppose:

i) Tangible measurable actions and results,

ii) Community participation,

iii) Time bound management by CBO,

iv) Payment for services, and

v) Linkages with existing government/private initiatives.

ISD could start with any programme, either singly or in combination depending on the need in the slum and availability of resources. There are four sectors of the ISD, as listed below:

1 Services Sector - Community Health Programme

- Non-Formal Education Programme

2 Livelihood Sector - Skill Imparting Programme

- Savings and Credit Programme

- Income Generation Programme

3 Infrastructure Sector - Physical Upgradation Programme

4 Participation Sector - Community Participation Programme

- Partnerships

The goals and objectives of each of the sectors are stated in Tables 5.1 to 5.4 below.

Table 6.1: Goals and Objectives of the Services Sector

Programmes

Goal

Objectives

   Community Health Programme

 

   To improve overall health status through preventive and curative community based methods

   Awareness about prevention and cure of common illness

   Community health services through slum based health workers and OPD

   Reduce maternal and infant mortality

   Address specific illness such as TB and Malaria

   Linkages with government health systems for referrals

   Demystify health beliefs

   Non Formal Education Programme

   To increase the education status by making critical innovative interventions

   Increasing enrolment and decreasing dropout rate

   Enable children cope with school curriculum

   Use of Innovative teaching methods

   Involve parents and community in children痴 education

   Increase education levels amongst dropout and non-school going children especially girls

   Increase literacy levels amongst adult residents.

 

 

Table 6.2: Goals and Objectives of the Livelihood Sector

Programmes

Goal

Objectives

   Skill Imparting Programme

   To increase and reinforce earning skills of slum residents

   Identify and Increase earning skills

   Impart and enable training for acquiring skills

   Create support for practising these skills

   Savings & Credit Programme

   To enable savings and access to formal credit and reduce dependence on usurious money lenders

   To create savings options of for affordable amounts

   To form a credible savings society

   To have a credible and transparent record keeping system

   To offer fast and affordable credit

   To facilitate capacity building of SHGs and practitioner NGOs.

   To strengthen the movement for using micro-credit as a tool to empowerment.

   Income Generation Programme

   To increase options and infrastructure for increasing incomes

 

   To identify market based income generation options

   To build capacities for these skills (Human and Institutional Support)

   To set up institutions that can independently undertake IG operations

   To mobilise financial assistance, programmes and other resources from banks, Govt., voluntary organisations.

 

 

 

Table 6.3: Goals and Objectives of the Infrastructure Sector

Programmes

Goal

Objectives

   Physical Upgradation Programme

   To ensure that every household has access to basic services

   To facilitate access to basic services such as water, drainage, and toilets on a household basis,

   To facilitate paved roads, street lighting and solid waste management

   Housing after infrastructure

   To ensure maintenance of household and common services

 

Table 6.4: Goals and Objectives of the Participation Sector

Programmes

Goal

Objectives

    Community Participation Programme

 

   To enable long-term sustenance of ISD through community participation in implementation, management and financial contribution.

   To create technical, managerial and leadership capacities

   To enable and nurture community based institutions that can sustain relevant ISD initiatives.

    Partnerships

   To integrate municipal, state and NGO/Private Sector initiatives.

 

   Reduce duplication of efforts

   Proactive synergetic working methods that lead to attainment of objectives

   Holistic approach to development

 

ISD in Pravinagar Guptanagar

The slum of Pravinagar-Guptanagar (PG) is located on the South West part of Ahmedabad City, on the Ahmedabad Rajkot Highway. It falls in the Vasna ward of the AMC. The land was earlier part of the wasteland of Vasna Village. Some well-known landmarks nearby are the Gujarat Cancer Sanatorium, Vishala Restaurant and the new Sardar Patel Wholesale Grain Market. There is a city bus service stop just outside the slum. The nearest government health services are at V. S. Hospital and Sarkhej hospital (about 35 km away). The nearest Municipal School is at Vasna village about 2 km away. There is a significant market of recycled wooden fittings on the outskirts of the slum along the highway.

Pravinagar-Guptanagar is one of the four slums in a cluster of about 5,000 slum households. This cluster was formed after the flooding of River Sabarmati in 1973, when some of the riverbank households shifted to the site of PG slum. This site developed into a slum settlement because of its proximity to central Ahmedabad, closeness to the city bus terminus of Vasna and affordable availability of land in the seventies and eighties.

Selection of Pravinagar-Guptanagar for ISD

SAATH started working in PG in January 1991. This slum was selected for implementing ISD because:

i) Residents were open to ISD type of interventions,

ii) Basic infrastructure and services were absent,

iii) It was a growing slum,

iv) It was representative of slums in Ahmedabad, and

v) Some of the residents of the slum were known to the activists of SAATH.

In April 1991, a socio-economic survey was conducted in a sample of 100 households (See Annexure A for basic data on this slum). The findings showed that:

i) Residents were fresh migrants and the slum was continuing to attract fresh migrants,

ii) It was a cosmopolitan slum with residents from Ahmedabad, Gujarat as well as from the neighbouring states of Rajasthan, UP and Maharashtra,

iii) The rate of children not going to school or dropping out was high,

iv) The level of basic services was poor, and

v) The residents consulted private doctors during illness.

A health survey conducted in the last quarter of 1991 showed that:

i) Immunisation was low,

ii) Infant mortality amongst girls was high,

iii) Malnourishment was high, and

iv) Facilities for Pre and Postnatal care were lacking.

These findings indicated that there was a pressing need for ISD in this slum.

The ISD Programmes in the Slum

ISD was conceptualised and structured in 1990-91. Preliminary education and health activities were firstly carried out during early-1992 to mid-1993. This provided an opportunity of knowing the residents better, fine-tuning the ISD programmes and designing appropriate learning/monitoring systems for ISD. From June 1993 onwards, implementation of ISD with four full-fledged programmes, begun in PG. The programmes were: Community Health, Non Formal Education Skill Imparting and Community Organisation Programmes. A review in mid-1995 showed that these programmes have established the foundation for more complex intervention in PG. In January 1996, the Savings and Credit, Income Generation and Physical Upgradation Programmes were launched.

Community Health Programme (CHP)

The socio-economic and health surveys in 1990 provided an opportunity to interact with a large number of residents. As a result, some women could be identified as potential local workers. Two women started working in the pre-ISD stage and two more joined in June 1993. These four women were trained as Community Health Workers (CHW). An Out Patient Dispensary was set up as a centre for health activities. The activities taken up under the CHP were:

i) A 24-hour access to health consultation/services through the CHWs,

ii) An OPD where basic health services were available,

iii) A comprehensive mother and child cared programme consisting of gynaecological care and immunisation during pregnancy, enabling safer deliveries and postnatal care and complete immunisation of children,

iv) Referrals to government and municipal clinics,

v) TB Control, and

vi) Awareness about preventive health methods.

There have been nutrition support inputs for Pregnant and Lactating Mothers (PLM) and TB patients to change food habits and ensure compliance to check ups, immunisation and treatment. Residents pay for consultation at the dispensary, conveyance costs during referrals and nutrition support.

Table 6.5: Participation in the Community Health Programme

Particulars

Numbers in year

1993-94

1994-95

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

Health workers

3

5

6

6

6

6

5

5

OPD patients

467

855

525

790

671

823

692

910

Immunizations

271

433

299

171

483

520

219

247

TB patients

0

40

39

53

84

65

199

111

PLM check-ups

0

245

220

208

63

293

145

177

PLM nutrition support

0

80

87

270

140

300

0

0

TB nutrition support

0

220

391

388

382

523

97

276

Referrals

0

245

235

45

132

93

34

118

Growth monitoring

175

375

396

129

340

305

495

400

 

Non Formal Education Programme (NFEP)

During the course of the surveys in 1991, two women were identified as potential teachers. In June 1993, six more were identified and all of them were trained as teachers. Three rooms were rented as classrooms and NFEP was launched.

The activities in the education programme were:

i) Pre-school nursery classes with a curriculum that would prepare children cope with primary education,

ii) Supplementary classes with a curriculum that would enable children cope with regular school curriculum, and

iii) Special classes for non-school going and dropout children.

The residents pay monthly fees for balghar (pre-school), supplementary and special classes and for conveyance costs for outings of the children. There have been regular interactions with the parents through meetings and family visits.

Table 6.6: Participation in NFEP

Particulars

 

Numbers in year

1993-94

1994-95

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

Balghar students

31

58

62

57

46

43

101

82

Balghar classes

1

2

2

2

2

2

3

3

Teachers

6

14

14

13

13

13

12

12

Supplementary classes (upto std.)

10

10

7

7

7

7

5

5

Supplementary class students

97

104

106

125

125

120

58

92

Special classes

0

0

2

2

2

2

2

2

Special class students

0

0

18

30

19

29

20

27

 

Skill Imparting Programme (SKI)

A pressing need of the residents in PG was to acquire skills that were marketable. Three types of courses to impart such skills have been conducted in the slum. These are:

i) Tailoring and embroidery,

ii) Electric gadget repairing, and

iii) Scooter repairing

The tailoring and embroidery course has been run from 1993. The participants have been women and adolescent girls who use these skills at home or for earning. The course has also provided an important forum for the adolescent girls to discuss their anxieties relating to marriage, marital home and sex. Like other programmes, for this also, the participants pay monthly fees and bear material costs.

Table 6.7: Participation in the Skill Imparting Classes

Particulars

Number in year

1994-95

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

Tailoring classes

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

No. of participants

23

57

50

60

62

51

23

No. of batches

1

2

2

2

2

2

1

Electric repair class participants

7

9

0

0

0

0

0

Scooter repair class participants

3

4

0

0

0

0

0

 

Community Organisation Programme (COP)

Sakhi Mahila Mandal (SMM) (Women痴 Organisation) is the Community Based Organisation (CBO), which sustains ISD in the slum. The core group of SMM is formed with the local workers of the ISD programmes, namely, the health workers, the teachers, the instructors and the community organisers. During the course of implementing various ISD programmes, these women have acquired technical and managerial skills essential for sustaining a CBO and, more importantly, have gained credibility within the slum as leaders. SMM was registered as a CBO in May 1996. The governing committee is regularly elected; its accounts are regularly audited and it is able to attract funding independently. Members pay an entrance fee and annual subscription.

Table 6.8: Details of Sakhi Mahila Mandal

Particulars

Year

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

SMM members (No.)

246

280

388

535

631

SMM fees (Rs.)

3690.00

1775.00

1620.00

3955.00

3440.00

SMM annual budget (Rs.)

3922.25

4289.00

59606.00

80,711.60

94,890.00

 

Savings and Credit Programme (SCP)

The micro-credit programme was started in July 1998. It was not a part of the initial ISD initiatives in 1993 because SAATH did not have the requisite expertise and credibility for this programme. Nonetheless, the participation of slum residents in this programme has been very encouraging. The SCP meets the regular micro-credit needs in PG. It has advanced credit for payment of resident痴 share in the SNP. SCP is now exploring ways of extending larger credit for housing and income generation.

A transparent and rigorous record keeping system for SCP has been designed. Norms for credit have been decided in consultation with members and are disbursed by a committee, which is elected annually. An annual 10% interest has been distributed out of income from loans and bank interest. Though in its infancy, SCP has great potential to answer the credit needs for informal business and housing upgradation.

Table 6.9: Participation in SCP

Particulars

Year

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

Members (No.)

100

170

220

375

507

Amount saved (Rs.)

50578.00

69664.00

51618.50

89376.25

129000.00

No. of loans

0

0

58

76

127

Loan amount (Rs.)

0

0

110150.00

156400.00

132050.00

Loan recovery (%)

0

0

84

87

95

 

Income Generation Programme (IGP)

The Income Generation Programme also started in June 1998. SAATH痴 lack of expertise was the major reason for the late start. IGP intends to concentrate on the services sector of the economy, which is the fastest growing sector in urban India and not on the traditional home manufacturing of bidis[4] and papads[5]. IGP activities are tailoring, market research support and vegetable sorting. A course for preparing household managers for working couples is underway.

 

 

Table 6.10: Participation in Income Generation Programme

Particulars

Year

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

Stitching participants (No.)

29

55

76

114

Stitching amount earned (Rs.)

2,542

7,969

5,550

22,898

Handicraft participants (No.)

39

68

98

91

Handicraft amount earned (Rs.)

93

1,419

3,306

3,223

Vegetable sorting participants (No.)

0

0

0

1

Vegetable sorting amount earned (Rs.)

0

0

0

2475

Home managers participants

0

0

0

13

Hepatitis B campaign participants (No.)

0

0

0

20

Hepatitis B campaign amount earned (Rs.)

0

0

0

66,900

 

Physical Upgradation Programme (PUP)

Provision of infrastructure in PG had been part of SAATH痴 planned interventions in ISD. However, the resources required were considerable and unaffordable for slum residents and SAATH. Cursory discussions about installing a drainage system showed that residents were willing to pay. In fact, they had installed a private, unapproved drainage system in about 300 houses. A few houses had unapproved water connections.

SAATH had heard about the Indore Slum Improvement Project and met Himanshu Parikh, the person who had initiated this project. Himanshu Parikh gave a detailed presentation to the SAATH team about this project. There was general understanding that it was technically impossible to get infrastructure into slums where the open space was limited. This misunderstanding was cleared after learning in details about the Indore Slum Improvement Project. Meanwhile, Saath had participated in the first Slum Networking Project (SNP) in one slum in Ahmedabad since June 1995. After discussing with the slum residents, SNP was also initiated in the PG slum. It needs to be mentioned that SNP is a partnership project for slum improvement in which the slum dwellers bear 20% of the project cost, private sector contributes 20% of the cost and the remaining 60% is given by the local body (here the AMC). The slum residents share of cost came to Rs. 2,000 at that time.

SAATH negotiated with the AMC and Arvind Mills (the private sector participant in the first SNP in Ahmedabad) to include PG in the pilot project. It was felt that the principles of the project, i.e. cost sharing and payment by residents, provision of basic services at a household level and the lead by AMC were sound and sustainable. Residents started depositing their share of costs from March 1996 and had deposited Rs 3 lakhs by July 1997. However, the project was jeopardised when Arvind Mills pulled out. This was a period of considerable anxiety within SAATH as organisation痴 credibility with the residents of PG as well as a NGO, was at stake. Fortunately, the AMC decided to continue with the project and physical work started in May 1998.

The Slum Networking Project has two parts. One is the hardware component of physical infrastructure and the second is the software component of community development. SAATH was able to integrate SNP into ISD where the PUP became the hardware and the other programmes, namely the CHP, NFEP, SKI, COP, SCP and IGP became the software. The physical infrastructure created consisted of individual/ household toilets, drainage and water connections, common roads, streetlights and solid waste disposal.

During the construction of infrastructure, many a times, there were frequent, frank and heated discussions between residents, AMC and SAATH regarding quality and design. While there was a give and take attitude on some design aspects, especially to relating to the width of roads, there was no compromise on quality of construction. The residents acted as watchdogs and brought to the notice of the AMC and SAATH any perceived lacunae in construction quality. The appropriate corrective actions were always taken by the AMC.

Basic to the SNP is community consultation for design, quality control, payment of resident痴 costs and maintenance for infrastructure. For this purpose, six residents associations were formed. These six associations, SMM and SAATH worked in tandem to ensure quality and financial contribution. Residents paid Rs 2,000 as their share of project cost and Rs 100 as a corpus for maintenance costs. Residents deposited their share in instalments into an interest earning account with SEWA (Self-Employed Women痴 Association) Bank, which could only be operated by a woman in the household. On completion of certain amount of infrastructure work by the AMC, the household痴/women痴 share was transferred to the residents association痴 account, which in turn was transferred to the AMC. Money was given to the AMC only when the work was to the satisfaction of the slum residents.

Table 6.11: Participation in Slum Networking Project

Particulars

Year

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-00

2000-01

No. of participants

358

376

794

862

912

912

Amount Collected (in Rs. Lakhs)

1.50

3.00

6.54

10.00

12.39

14.07

No of associations

0

0

0

2

5

5

Members in associations

0

0

0

26

91

91

 

Changes in Pravinagar Guptanagar After ISD

ISD has made a substantial difference. The quality of life in Pravinagar Guptanagar has changed for the better. There has been a measurable positive change in basic development indicators. Equally important is the change in attitude. The earlier diffidence and helplessness has given way to a more positive dynamism where residents feel that they can affect and influence change.

Socio-Economic Surveys in May 1997 and December 2000

SAATH conducted a first socio-economic survey in May 1997 in which every tenth house was surveyed. A total of 101 households were surveyed. Similar survey was conducted in December 2000. In this survey, 84 households out of the original 101 of May 1997 were found to have the same residents and families. The remaining 17 houses were either empty or the residents had changed. For this study, the information collected in May 1997 is considered the baseline data. The December 2000 survey is observed as one indicating the achievements of the ISD programme in PG slum. The changes in various aspects of development are discussed below.

Impact on Demography

The first finding of the study is that there is a significant decrease in the family size and proportion of population in the age group of 0 5 years. Residents now prefer smaller families as compared to before. In 1997, the household size was 6.36 that has declined to 6.18, and this is observed across nearly all the social groups living in the slum (Annexure A). Also, the proportion of children in age group 0-5 has decreased from 18.35% in 1997 to 15.03% in 2000. However, the sex ratio has slightly decreased, from 867 in 1997 to 860 in 2000 (Table 6.12).

Table 6.12: Demographic Changes

Age Groups

Males

Females

Total

1997

2000

% Change

1997

2000

% Change

1997

2000

% Change

0 - 5 Years

43

34

-20.93

55

44

-20.00

98

78

-20.41

6 - 15 Years

71

67

-5.63

52

56

7.69

123

123

0.00

16 - 20 Years

44

51

15.91

27

28

3.70

71

79

11.27

21 - 45 Years

103

97

-5.83

94

88

-6.38

197

185

-6.09

46 - 60 Years

18

27

50.00

18

17

-5.56

36

44

22.22

> 60 Years

7

3

-57.14

2

7

250.00

9

10

11.11

Totals

286

279

-2.45

248

240

-3.23

534

519

-2.81

 

Impact on Health

ISD has considerably improved the pre and post natal care of mothers and children. There is increased awareness about care of pregnant and lactating mothers, and immunisation of children. The extent of immunisation, especially amongst girls shows substantial increase.

The number of pregnant women that go for regular gynaecological check-up has increased. Gynaecological check ups are done in more than one semester of pregnancy and women in all the semesters of pregnancy go for check-up. Also, the frequency of their check-ups has also increased.

Table 6.13: Change in Immunisation Rates

Type of Immunization

Male

Female

Total

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

May 1997*

BCG

39

92.86%

37

67.27%

76

78.35%

DPT

34

80.95%

31

56.36%

65

67.01%

Polio

36

85.71%

37

67.27%

73

75.26%

Measles

31

73.81%

25

45.45%

56

57.73%

TetanusETA

27

64.29%

24

43.64%

51

52.58%

Complete Immunization

12

75.00%

9

52.94%

21

61.76%

Dec. 2000**

BCG

30

90.91%

39

88.64%

69

89.61%

DPT

27

81.82%

30

68.18%

57

74.03%

Polio

30

90.91%

31

70.45%

61

79.22%

Measles

21

63.64%

29

65.91%

50

64.94%

Tetanus

20

60.61%

27

61.36%

47

61.04%

Complete Immunization

14

77.78%

10

83.33%

24

80.00%

Change in coverage 1997-2000

BCG

-2.10%

31.76%

14.37%

DPT

1.07%

20.97%

10.47%

Polio

6.06%

4.73%

5.27%

Measles

-13.78%

45.00%

12.48%

Tetanus

-5.72%

40.63%

16.09%

Complete Immunization

3.70%

57.41%

25.71%

* Total 42 boys and 55 girls were there in the survey.

** Total 33 boys and 44 girls were there in the survey.

 

Table 6.14: Women Going for Gynaecological Check-ups

Gynecological Check Up

May 1997

Dec 2000

%

Change from 1997 to 2000

No.

% pregnant women

No.

% pregnant women

Going for gynecological check

41

80.39

34

89.47

11.30

Frequency of check-up

One Semester

11

26.83

1

2.94

-89.04

Two Semesters

3

7.32

7

20.59

181.37

Three Semester

27

65.85

26

76.47

16.12

Period of check-up

1 to 3 Months

16

39.02

2

5.88

-84.93

1 to 6 Months

6

14.63

6

17.65

20.59

1 to 9 Months

19

46.34

26

76.47

65.02

 

Table 6.15: Distribution of Type and Place of Delivery

Type of Delivery

May 1997

Dec 2000

%

Change

No.

%

No.

%

Normal

93

95.88

63

90.00

-6.13

Difficult

4

4.12

7

10.00

142.50

Place of Delivery

Home

30

30.93

13

18.57

-39.95

Hospital

67

69.07

57

81.43

17.89

 

Caesarean deliveries were classified as difficult deliveries in both the surveys. It was observed that there was increase in difficult (caesarean) deliveries as well as hospital deliveries. It can be said that the caesarean deliveries were now done in the hospitals and hence deliveries had become safer than before. This would also mean that lesser women would be loosing their lives during deliveries than before.

Table 6.16: Taking of Tetanus Vaccination during Pregnancy

Tetanus during pregnancy

May 1997

Dec 2000

%

Change

No.

%

No.

%

Yes

41

80.39

34

89.47

11.30

No

10

19.61

4

10.53

-46.32

No of times Tetanus taken

 

 

 

 

 

1

5

12.20

3

8.82

-27.65

2

12

29.27

18

52.94

80.88

3

24

58.54

13

38.24

-34.68

 

There is increased awareness about the need of tetanus injection during pregnancy. This can be observed from increase in percent of pregnant women taking this vaccination. Interestingly, there is a decrease in percentage of women taking only one tetanus vaccination and increase in percentage of women taking two tetanus vaccination. There is therefore higher awareness about it among women and this too would have reduced maternal mortality rate during childbirth.

Impact on Education

ISD has made a significant impact on the education status in PG slum. From 1997 to 200, there is an increase in adult literates and especially among women; there is a significant increase. There is also an increase in the school enrolment as indicated by the increase in the proportion of school-going children. At the same time, there is a reduction in number and proportion of children dropping out of school. For example, the overall literate population has increased from about 29.96% in 1997 to 34.30% in 2000. The proportion of school going children has increased from 18.91% to 25.43% in the same period. There is a very significant decline in school dropout rate of children, from 10.67% to 2.89% (Table 6.17). Only, the number and proportion of pre-school children has decreased. This is because of the reduction in the number of children in the 0 5 age group.

While there is improvement in number and proportion of children going to school and decline in dropout numbers, especially among the girl students, there is simultaneous increase in education level among the school going children. For example, only 69 children completed education upto class 7, in 2000, their number went up to 93. Another 18 children went upto class 12 in 2000, when only 13 children had reached this class in 1997. This shows that the parents have realised the need of properly educating their children. This is also an effect of decline in school dropouts. In short, the average years of schooling would have somewhat increased in these children.

Table 6.17: Change in Education Status

Education Levels

Male

Female

Total

No

%

No

%

NO

%

May 1997

Illiterate

45

15.73

87

35.08

132

24.72

Literate

113

39.51

47

18.95

160

29.96

School going

59

20.63

42

16.94

101

18.91

Dropout

33

11.54

24

9.68

57

10.67

Pre-school

36

12.59

48

19.35

84

15.73

Total

286

100.00

248

100.00

534

100.00

Dec. 2000

Illiterate

47

16.85

89

37.08

136

26.20

Literate

124

44.44

54

22.50

178

34.30

School going

77

27.60

55

22.92

132

25.43

Dropout

7

2.51

8

3.33

15

2.89

Pre-school

24

8.60

34

14.17

58

11.18

Total

279

100.00

240

100.00

519

100.00

% Change from 1997-2000

Adult Illiterate

4.44

2.30

3.03

Adult Literate

9.73

14.89

11.25

School-going

30.51

30.95

30.69

Dropout

-78.79

-66.67

-73.68

Pre-school

-33.33

-29.17

-30.95

Totals

-2.45

-3.23

-2.81

 

Table 6.18: Change in Education Levels among School-going Children

Education Levels

Male

Female

Total

No

%

No

%

No

%

May 1997

Nursery

8

13.56

7

16.67

15

14.85

1 - 7 Std.

37

62.71

32

76.19

69

68.32

8- 12 Std.

10

16.95

3

7.14

13

12.87

College

4

6.78

 

0.00

4

3.96

Total

59

100.00

42

100.00

101

100.00

Dec. 2000

Nursery

9

11.69

7

12.73

16

12.12

1 - 7 Std.

50

64.94

43

78.18

93

70.45

8- 12 Std.

14

18.18

4

7.27

18

13.64

College

4

5.19

1

1.82

5

3.79

Total

77

100.00

55

100.00

132

100.00

% Change from 1997-2000

Nursery

12.50

0.00

6.67

1 - 7 Std.

35.14

34.38

34.78

8- 12 Std.

40.00

33.33

38.46

College

0.00

100.00

25.00

Total

30.51

30.95

30.69

 

Impact on Income and Expenditure

The monthly incomes have changed, for both males and females. First of all, the average monthly income of both, males and females have increased; by 55.76% for all workers and by 59.52% for male workers and 51.87% for female workers (Table 6.19). This is because, the proportion of individual workers earning less than Rs 1,000 per month has decreased considerably (by 44.9%). Interestingly, in 1997, about half the male workers had individual income below Rs. 1,000 per month. In 2000, only one-fifth of the male workers fall in this lowest income bracket. One now (in 2000) finds women in higher per month income groups, which was not the case in 1997. Also, as compared to four-fifths in 1997, in 2001, only two-thirds of women workers fall in the lowest income bracket. That is, women have started earning more. However, male worker continue to earn more than the female worker and the gap between them has remained the same in both the years. This gap between male and female earnings is not confined to only slums.

Increase in incomes of individual workers has led to increase in monthly household incomes. Number of households falling in the income bracket Rs. 4,000 and more, has increased by 200.00% during 1997-2000 period (Table 6.20). There is a drastic decline in proportion of households with income below Rs. 2,000 per month. On the whole, there is increase in average monthly income of the households by 66.94%.

Table 6.19: Distribution of Workers by Monthly Individual Incomes and Sex

Income (Rs)

Males

Females

Total

No

%

No

%

No

%

May 1997

< 1000

72

51.80

26

81.25

98

57.31

1001 - 2000

46

33.09

6

18.75

52

30.41

2001 - 3000

16

11.51

-

-

16

9.36

3001 - 4000

2

1.44

-

-

2

1.17

>4000

3

2.16

-

-

3

1.75

Average monthly income

1438

665

1293

Dec 2000

< 1000

28

20.00

26

66.67

54

30.17

1001 - 2000

58

41.43

10

25.64

68

37.99

2001 - 3000

27

19.29

1

2.56

28

15.64

3001 - 4000

14

10.00

1

2.56

15

8.38

>4000

13

9.29

1

2.56

14

7.82

Average monthly income

2294

1010

2014

% change from 1997-2000

< 1000

-61.11

0.00

-81.48

1001 - 2000

26.09

66.67

30.77

2001 - 3000

68.75

100.00

75.00

3001 - 4000

600.00

100.00

650.00

>4000

333.33

100.00

366.67

Average monthly income

59.52

51.87

55.76

 

With the increase in income, monthly household expenditure has also increased. The average expenditure has increased by 36.22%. Interestingly, the expenditure on rent has declined by 30.42%. There is slight decrease in proportion of expenditure spent on food. This is the effect of increase in income, because of which the households have begun spending on items other than food. Expenditure on medical treatment has increased but by percent that is lower than the overall increase in expenditure. This suggests that families are spending less on medical treatment now, which could be the effect of improved health as a consequence of improved microenvironment. Residents have started spending more on education, which is a healthy indication.

Table 6.20: Distribution of Households by Monthly Income

Monthly household income (Rs.)

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

No

%

No

%

< 1000

16

19.05

2

2.38

-700.00

1001 - 2000

28

33.33

11

13.10

-154.54

2001 - 3000

15

17.86

22

26.19

46.67

3001 - 4000

14

16.67

16

19.05

14.29

> 4000

11

13.10

33

39.29

200.00

Average

2589

4322

66.94

 

There are two items where expenditure increase is quite high; one is on conveyance and other on fuel. Fuel prices have increased in the economy that has caused this situation. Transport costs have also increased because of increased prices of petroleum products. If the individual and household incomes had not increased, the families of PG would have been in dire straights. Inspite of increase in fuel and conveyance expenditure, in general residents now have surplus income.

Table 6.21: Distribution of Monthly Household Expenditure by Items

Items

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Amount (Rs.)

%

Amount (Rs)

%

Food

1910.48

63.24

2499.4

60.74

30.83

Conveyance

243.45

8.06

372.83

9.06

53.14

Pan/Bidi/Tea/Entertainment

276.78

5.53

396.32

7.50

43.19

Rent

39.31

1.30

27.35

0.66

-30.42

Electricity

208.1

6.89

265

6.44

27.34

Fuel

110.36

3.65

245.89

5.98

122.81

Education

108.27

3.58

155.36

3.78

43.49

Medicine

200.36

6.63

217.23

5.28

8.42

Total

3020.80

100.00

4114.98

100.00

36.22

 

Impact on Occupations

There is no significant change in the occupation pattern except that the number and proportion of workers engaged in casual and unskilled occupations have decreased. On the whole there is only 10.98% increase in number of workers. But, number of female workers has increased by 30.30%, which is significant (Table 6.22).

Table 6.22: Distribution of Occupations

Occupation Type

Males

Females

Totals

No

%

No

%

No

%

May 1997

Government job

19

13.57

3

9.09

22

12.72

Private job

19

13.57

3

9.09

22

12.72

Skilled worker

53

37.86

0

0.00

53

30.64

Unskilled/casual worker

22

15.71

7

21.21

29

16.76

Vendor

18

12.86

3

9.09

21

12.14

Recycling/sweeper

3

2.14

3

9.09

6

3.47

Household-based activity

0

0.00

14

42.42

14

8.09

Cattle/milk related activities

6

4.29

0

0.00

6

3.47

Total

140

100.00

33

100.00

173

100.00

Dec 2000

Government job

23

15.44

5

11.63

28

14.58

Private job

18

12.08

3

6.98

21

10.94

Skilled worker

57

38.26

4

9.30

61

31.77

Unskilled/casual worker

11

7.38

5

11.63

16

8.33

Vendor

23

15.44

6

13.95

29

15.10

Recycling/sweeper

7

4.70

4

9.30

11

5.73

Household-based activity

1

0.67

13

30.23

14

7.29

Cattle/milk related activities

9

6.04

3

6.98

12

6.25

Total

149

100.00

43

100.00

192

100.00

% Change from 1997-2000

Government job

21.05

66.67

27.27

Private job

-5.26

0.00

-4.55

Skilled worker

7.55

400.00

15.09

Unskilled/casual worker

-50.00

-28.57

-44.83

Vendor

27.78

100.00

38.10

Recycling/sweeper

133.33

33.33

83.33

Household-based activity

100.00

-7.14

0.00

Cattle/milk related activities

50.00

300.00

100.00

Total

6.43

30.30

10.98

 

Impact on Lifestyles

Increase in income has led to increase in consumer durables in the slum households. There is increase in all consumer items listed in Table 6.23 except radio/tape recorder.

Table 6.23: Change in Household Assets

House Hold Items

Number of households possessing assets in

% Change

May 1997

Dec 2000

Fan

62

80

29.03

Radio/Tape recorder

47

46

-2.12

TV

52

72

38.46

Fridge

2

5

150.00

Cycle

45

58

28.89

Scooter

7

20

185.71

Sewing Machine

8

18

125.00

 

Table 6.24: Distribution of Households by Cooking Fuel

Fuel Type

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Households

%

Households

%

Wood

20

23.81

39

46.43

95.00

Kerosene

64

76.19

63

75.00

-1.56

Gas

14

16.67

32

38.10

128.57

Wood & Kerosene

14

16.67

17

20.24

21.43

Kerosene and Gas

4

4.76

12

14.29

200.00

Wood, Kerosene and Gas

1

1.19

4

4.76

300.00

 

There has been an increase in the use of cooking gas. There is a 128.57% increase in this. As seen above, the fuel expenditure in total household expenditure has increased. This has been the impact of increase in kerosene prices. As a result, some households have shifted to using wood as cooking fuel. About 95% additional households have begun using wood for cooking purposes (Table 6.24).

Table 6.25: Distribution of Households by Type of Electricity Connection

Electricity

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Households

%

Households

%

Private

34

40.48

21

25.00

-38.24

Metered

38

45.24

63

75.00

65.79

None

12

14.29

0

0.00

-100.00

 

Now, all households have electricity connection. There is increase in metered electricity connections, whereas the private connections taken from households having metered connections have decreased. That is, 75% of the households have now regularised their electricity connections (Table 6.25). Finally, there is increase in number of rooms per house. In 2000, there were more houses with three or more rooms than in 1997 (Table 6.26).

Table 6.26: Distribution of Households by Number of Rooms

No of Rooms

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Households

%

Households

%

1

27

32.14

17

20.24

-37.04

2

43

51.19

41

48.81

-4.65

3

9

10.71

17

20.24

88.89

> 3

5

5.95

9

10.71

80.00

 

Sakhi Mahila Mandal (SMM), the CBO, comprising of only women members has gained credibility. Its membership has increased from 19 households in 1997 to 45 households in 2000, an increase of 136.80%. The number of households saving with the CBO has also increased by a significant proportion (Table 6.27).

 

Table 6.27: Membership of Sakhi Mahila Mandal

Sakhi Mahila Mandal

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Households

%

Households

%

Members

19

22.62

45

53.57

136.80

Savings Members

13

15.48

27

32.14

107.69

 

Impact of Slum Networking Project

The Slum Networking Project (SNP) has significantly affected the quality of life in the slum of PG. First of it has ensured that almost all households have regular water supply, drainage connections and a toilet. Therefore, need for hand pumps and soak pits has gone. No households have these type of facilities now. Instead now, 95.24% households have regular water supply, and all households have a toilet, which are connected to drainage, in the house. At the same time, number of bathrooms and wash places has also increased (Table 6.28).

Table 6.28: Households by Type of Basic Services

Household Facility

May 1997

Dec 2000

% Change

Households

%

Households

%

Regular Water

10

11.90

80

95.24

700.00

Hand pump

32

38.10

-

-

-100.00

No Water

48

57.14

0

-

-100.00

Regular Drainage

9

10.71

84

100.00

833.33

Private Drainage

42

50.00

-

-

-100.00

Soak pit

12

14.29

-

-

-100.00

No Drainage

21

25.00

-

-

-100.00

Toilet

58

69.05

84

100.00

44.83

Wash place

39

46.43

54

64.29

38.46

Bathroom

39

46.43

52

61.90

33.33

 

Almost all households have joined the SNP and only about 11% have paid less than Rs 1,000 as household cost. Remember that each household was expected to pay Rs. 2,000 for participating in the SNP. One-third of the households have paid full amount for participating in the SNP (Table 6.29).

Table 6.29: Participation in Slum Networking Project

 

No of households

%

Housholds Joined SNP

82

97.62

SNP Amount Paid (Rs.)

< 1000

9

10.71

1001 - 2000

46

54.76

Full Amount

27

32.14

 

Households in PG joined the SNP mainly because they wanted basic services. About 89.29% of the households gave this as a reason for joining the project. The other important reason cited by the households for joining the SNP was presence of credible organisations namely SAATH and SMM.

Table 6.30: Reasons for Participation in the Slum Networking Project

Reasons for joining SNP

No

%

Better services

75

89.29

Presence of SAATH/SMM

49

58.33

Safety in SEWA Bank