Adivasis are the indigenous and traditional inhabitants of India. They constitute a significant fraction of India's poor and underprivileged population and lead lifestyles predominantly land and forest-based.

As India urbanized and industrialized, the adivasis have been consistently victimized in the name of development. Their voice has been increasingly drowned in the bustle, and their opinion and their rights consistently ignored. As journalist P. Sainath notes in his book, Everybody Loves a Good Drought, in the period 1951-90, over 26 million people got displaced by 'development' projects such as dams, canals, mining, industries, thermal plants, sanctuaries, and defense installations. The draft of the government's 'National Policy for Rehabilitation' admits that almost 75% of those displaced since 1951 were still awaiting rehabilitation -- a cruel term to use after 45 years.

Although adivasis make up just 8% of our population, they account for more than 40% of the displaced persons of all projects, and there would be an equally large number of dalits and landless among the displaced. Dr. Michael M. Cernea, Senior Adviser to the World Bank, lists some crucial processes affecting the displaced, all of which cause deep impoverishment. These include landlessness, unemployment and homelessness. Apart from being marginalized, displaced groups suffer a loss of food security, almost always record increased levels of illness and disease and are hit by a loss of access to common property such as water and grazing grounds. Further, networks and assets that are a great strength of the affected peoples get dismantled. As Sainath explains, in many tribes, an adivasi building a house can have his whole clan turn out to help him construct it. This free community labor is a big financial saving for him, which is lost when the clan is split up and dispersed after displacement.

Having been at the receiving end of this 'development' for so long, adivasis today are fighting for their right to livelihood in several parts of India. This is a write-up of my conversations with the leaders and participants of the Kashipur movement in Orissa. We met affected people who have been deeply involved in campaigning against a bauxite-mining project proposed by Utkal Alumina International Ltd. in the Kashipur block of Rayagada district in southern Orissa.  

The Issue

Orissa is a land blessed with many natural resources -- forests, rivers, land and minerals. It is not a coincidence that it also happens to be the home of large number of indigenous people from time immemorial. The lives of these people are intimately tied to their land and forests. The Fifth Schedule of the Indian Constitution provides a guarantee to these indigenous people on the right over the land they live in.

The Paroja-Kondha tribe of adivasis, living in the Kashipur block of Rayagada district in southwest Orissa, are being asked to give up their land to make way for mining of bauxite -- the principal raw material for the aluminum industry. The block holds one of the richest deposits of bauxite in India, and the government of Orissa has entered into a contract with a private company, Utkal Alumina International Ltd (UAIL), in 1993. UAIL today is a consortium of ALCAN of Canada and Hindalco of India. Norsk Hydro was previously involved but withdrew recently after many years of unsuccessful waiting for the project to start (as stated by them). There are rumors that other multinational companies are looking to buy what was previously Hydro's stake. The venture is 100% export oriented.

UAIL plans to mine bauxite from the Baphlimali hill in the area using fully mechanized bauxite-mining techniques (whenever possible) to recover 195.73 million tones of bauxite. The ore would be transported via a conveyor belt 19.5 kms long to an Alumina plant at Doraguda village, then onto Vishakapatnam and exported out via shipping.

A detailed and independent economic, social and environmental assessment of the project was conducted in 1996 by a group called TARU (N. Delhi). According to the report, the requirements of 2,610 hectares of land including 1,000 hectares of cultivable land for the factory/wastage dump will cripple the livelihood of most settlements now residing in the valley. In fact, many of the villages which will lose 75% of cultivable land will not even be considered displaced, rendering the villagers virtually landless.

At no stage of the project were the people who owned the land consulted or their participation sought out. Adivasis were offered no stake in the operations and will see no benefits since very few can hope to gain employment. The actual plant will, at the most, employ around 50 people on a permanent basis, in possible plantation work and perhaps as peons. A few may receive employment during the construction phase of the mine, but even in this case most of the daily wage workers are typically brought by contractors from outside the area.

The people of Kashipur and other affected areas initially tried to initiate a dialog with the government about the displacement and loss of livelihood threatening them. They had witnessed similar large-scale development projects in surrounding areas which displaced several people with no benefit reaching the people themselves. Various talks with the government have had little success. The communities have also repeatedly asked the government for irrigation, health care and schooling facilities. They have seen little investment from the state on this. Instead they fear that the state is investing in large-scale mining companies that splinter and adversely affect the community. The people have therefore organized themselves to resist UAIL. Their resistance has often met with violence from state authorities. On Dec 16th 2000 three adivasis were killed in police firing in Maikanch village. These incidents have only strengthened the community's resolve to stop unfair development.

Parasu Jhodia with bullet injuries from police firing

Here is an attempt to describe how this resistance began, how the movement built up and what type of development the people would like to see. We first visited Kucheipadar village -- the birthplace of the Kashipur movement.

Kucheipadar Village

The people of Kucheipadar village will lose at least 75% all their good cultivable land if UAIL proceeds as per plan. They will lose their livelihood. In Kucheipadar, we first met with Maharaj Majhi and Krushna Saunta, pioneers of the movement, Baghwan Majhi who is the current leader of the movement, and Lachma Majhi who was one of the first women leaders.

A discussion with Maharaj Majhi and Krushna Saunta, pioneers of the movement

How did all this begin?
The company people first came to Kucheipadar village and began to survey our fields and land. They did not ask us for permission or announce their intentions to start a mining company. When we asked them why they were surveying the land, they answered that it was government land and we have to do as the government advises. Upon noticing the frequent surveys, a village meeting was called. In the beginning we thought that perhaps a small sugarcane company might come up. This was welcome to us since it would generate local work. We also thought that perhaps there could be a train line and were happy with this. It never occurred to us that a mining company (especially the size of UAIL) would be set up and, in the process, destroy our village and livelihoods. Gradually we became more aware of what would happen if UAIL was set up.

Three of us from the village -- Krushna Saunta, Maharaj Majhi and Lakshman Majhi --decided to start making people aware of the problems UAIL can cause for us in the long term. All of us had been exposed to life outside Kucheipadar and had also seen the problems at NALCO, the largest bauxite-mining company in Daman Jodi in Koraput, Orissa. (NALCO is the National Aluminium Company, the largest manufacturer of aluminum in India). The situation we were aware of at NALCO made us determined to fight against UAIL. We had seen many like us displaced at NALCO and the problems they are facing today with their communities destroyed.

What had you seen at the NALCO plant in Daman Jodi?
When NALCO was started, people had accepted their offer easily since they were promised jobs and good relocation, including money for their land. People therefore gave up their land without a fight. Not all got jobs. Joint families got 10' x 6' houses with no facilities and no land. After getting jobs initially they were removed after a couple of years since they were not trained for the jobs they were given.

Before NALCO, 60% of the population there were adivasis. After NALCO, less than 12% of the adivasi people remained since most had to move out to look for other vocations. People came from nearby areas of Cuttack, Bhubhaneshwar, parts of Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Adivasis now work on daily wages when they find work and are no longer self-reliant. Earlier we have also seen adivasis get displaced because of the Indravati dam project. We realized that our community would only get displaced. We will not get any jobs and will lose everything including our livelihood.

Two leaders of the movement: Maharaj Majhi and Krushna Saunta

How did you go about raising awareness? What was the initial reaction and how did the struggle build up?
In the beginning we went from village to village telling people what may happen. The initial response was one of resignation from the people. People were scared of the company, the officials, the police and the government. They were not confident of resisting the project. Once, Maharaj Majhi was arrested. The people of the village gheraoed the police station and got him released. This inspired confidence in people from other villages. As Kucheipadar started resisting the company, other villages joined gradually. We started collecting funds amongst ourselves to generate money when protestors got arrested. We were thus able to release them on bail. This gave us confidence.

Kucheipadar has a fairly good literacy rate. Several adivasis were working as teachers and in other government departments. Two people from the village who had entered politics had campaigned in the village in the early days promising that the demands of the village will be taken into consideration if they won. However, neither kept their promise. Gradually, the people lost faith in all major parties. It was at this point that we realized that we have to fight the company by ourselves.

How did the company react?
The company managed to buy the goodwill of the local administration and many times worked in conjunction with the district administration. The company also hired 'motivators' to convince us that this was good for us. The motivators were gauging the reaction of the people and trying to convince us. Sometimes they came as teachers, gram sevaks (social workers), posed as Agragamee workers (NGO workers), animal husbandry advisors, etc. and tried to probe people's thinking. The company found many different ways in which to get acceptance from the people. They even tried to bring in development work into the area in an attempt to cajole the people. The people, however, learnt to see through these attempts. We were not opposed to a small-scale industry but UAIL was to be more than double NALCO's size. This is something we are completely against, given what happened at NALCO.

What kind of dialog did you attempt to have with the government?
Sometime in 1995, a meeting was organized in the village, which was attended by 5,000 people. We jointly signed a petition addressed to Biju Patnaik (then Orissa chief minister) and the prime minister of India. All 45 villages in the Kucheipadar gram panchayat signed the petition. 18 villagers went to meet with Biju Patnaik to explain our point of view. We explained that displacement would ruin us. As farmers, our main livelihood would be lost and we would essentially find it very difficult to find jobs. Biju Patnaik assured us that no company would be built without our involvement. A letter was written to the collector of the gram panchayat, who wrote to the tehsildhar (revenue official) to conduct an enquiry.

The tehsildhar conducted an enquiry, but without the people of Kucheipadar! The enquiry was organized in Baghrijhola village. Politicians and local supporters of the company were invited to the meeting. The villagers who would be most affected by the mining were kept out. The remaining villagers boycotted the meeting because of this. We called it just a political meeting and refused to attend. The tehsildhar then tried to get a few of us to attend by sending his car. But we refused till everyone got a chance to participate. The village road was blocked and the tehsildhar was made to walk to our village. No political leader dared attend the meeting and it flopped.

The tehsildhar tried to manipulate the people's opinion about the company (He later took up employment in the company). Our people were cajoled, threatened and enticed. The tehsildhar, collector and sub-collector were all on the side of the company. In spite of their numerous attempts, our people were firm that they did not want a mining company that would essentially ruin us in the long term.

Despite our attempts at trying to voice our concerns within the available political framework, promises made to us were not kept and survey work continued in the area.

Lake polluted by the NALCO project

How did you proceed with your struggle? What was the role of outside groups?
Adivasi activists would walk or cycle from village to village in the nights to keep people informed. Many women came to the forefront and took up the task of disrupting the survey work. Local boys would often chase away people conducting the survey. In the nights survey equipment was raided and destroyed. In one case some young boys assaulted a survey man.

A police case was filed against us -- Krushna, Lakshman, Maharaj and Shyamghan Majhi. Ten people were accused. This was the first case filed against us. A gate was made in Kucheipadar village so that company vehicles could not pass through. A photograph of Gandhi was placed at the gate. The company officials complained about this to the police. The police then came to our village, used tear gas, lathi-charged the men and women and broke the gate. After this, there were regular fights with the police. People used bricks and stones and hurled these to defend themselves against the police.

We sometimes had people from outside meet us and give us encouragement. For example, Agragamee, an NGO, organized a talk by Medha Patkar in 1996. Such exposures have really encouraged the movement.

What has been the role of NGOs in the area?
Some NGOs gave us information about the company's intentions, what harm can come from it, both to the environment and our community. They brought in people from the press to generate more awareness about our problems. They also helped us in some court cases. Several groups have helped convey the message of our struggle to the outside world.

Conversation with Baghwan Majhi

Baghwan Majhi is the leader of the struggle today. He is just 24 years old and has received school education till 7th grade. He got involved in the struggle as a boy in helping obstruct survey work. When he was 22 he got elected as the sarpanch (elected head of gram panchayat) of Kucheipadar village during a by-election. He later got nominated as the leader of PSSP (the parent umbrella organization for the movement against bauxite-mining). Baghwan sings very well and has composed several songs for the struggle.

What is PSSP today?
Prakrutika Sampada Suraksha Parishad (PSSP) is a parent organization for all different groups working in the Kashipur area in resisting bauxite-mining. Today PSSP has six groups in three blocks opposing different companies. Each samiti (council or group) has an office in a different village since they are all resisting different bauxite-mining companies. The samitis are named according to the hill that will be mined. The different samitis support each other's petitions or gather together to participate in morchas or rallies.

Each samiti has different office bearers and representatives within PSSP. To help organize rallies, the representatives from each samiti participate and decide when/where to organize their protests and rallies.

How do you resist the state?
We believe in non-violent protests. We organize peaceful rallies, chakka jaams, rasta rokos (road blocks), block gherao, and organize demonstrations before the collector's office. We do meet with other samitis outside of PSSP as well.

How do you view the struggle today?
Earlier there was pressure from the government. After the Maikanch firing incidents (police firing in which three adivasis were killed), this pressure does not exist any more since the people are now refusing any dialog. We don't have faith in government dialog. We simply want the company to go out.

Conversation with Lachama Majhi

This section explores the role of women in the Kashipur movement. It is based on a series of discussions with Lachama Majhi from Kucheipadar, one of the first women activists.

When did the women get involved in the movement?
In the beginning, the women talked among themselves about their concerns about the mining project. Along with a few others, I organized a separate women's meeting. Krushna Saunta attended this meeting and described the situation to all the women. The women became convinced that the company would only increase oppression in the area. They initially started in small numbers and as their confidence grew, women took up strong leadership positions in the struggle.  

What are special implications of the company moving in for the women in the village?
(Lachama answered emphatically) Today there is a strong sense of community and this makes it safe for women. We women can move around even at 2 AM and nobody can harm us. We don't need any escort for safety. No man can face the community after harming a woman. Loss of a community increases insecurity for women and children. Strangers are accountable to no one. We women will lose our independence. We will need someone to accompany us. This has happened in Shunger village (L&T has set up a company here).

Lachama Majhi with her children

After the company moves in, there will be more pollution and mosquitoes (malaria is already prevalent in this area). Men will end up drinking more, since joblessness will be higher. Gambling will increase. We have seen this after visiting other areas. We women will suffer the most -- much more than men.  

What are the different ways in which the women participated?
We stopped surveys, destroyed survey equipment and rallied support from women in other villages. Whenever the women saw a survey person, they would announce his/her presence with a conch to alert other villagers. In one incident, a girl from the village was assaulted by a survey man. The women chided him and let him go after strong warnings not to repeat it.  

Were the women physically abused during protests?
Yes, we were lathi-charged many times. Hemalata (Maharaj's wife), myself and several others were lathi-charged during the gate blockages we had organized.  

Maikanch A Village United  

Maikanch village in the Kashipur block received a lot of attention after police firing killed three innocent adivasis and injured several more. On 16 December 2000, an armed brigade of police descended upon the village and opened fire killing three unarmed men instantly. The killing of Abhilash Jhodia (25), Raghu Jhodia (18) and Jamudhar Jhodia (43) has further antagonized the villagers who see the use of force as a violation of their basic human rights. The firing happened after some altercations the previous day.

On 15th December, under the leadership of Bhaskara Rao (a political party leader) and Krishna Mohapatro (former block chairman of Kashipur), a group of people reached Maikanch village to disrupt a meeting held by the people to organize a road blockade. The people resisted the disruption. Annoyed at this, the group filed an FIR at the police station. Armed with this FIR, two platoons of armed policemen descended upon the village and harassed the women. They fired in the air a few times. Upon hearing the commotion the men rushed down the hill to see what was going on. The police opened fire upon the descending men and killed three of them.

After this incident, the village stands strongly united in their opposition to the company. There is strong solidarity between the adivasis and the dalits in the village. The villagers have constructed memorials for the shaheeds who died in the firing. Mistrust in the state has increased further and the people have lost faith in all state promises. They believe that the state prefers confrontation, and repeated evidence indicates the same. The police have repeatedly filed false cases against adivasis and activists. They have often resorted to lathi-charging to forcibly stop any resistance to the company.

Adivasi women narrating the incidents of 15th and 16th Dec, 2000

After walking back from the memorial, we met Subharna Jhodia, wife of Abhilash Jhodia who was killed in the firing. She has three children to take care of. Her parents-in-law now help her with her livelihood. The villagers also take turns and help farm her land. Maikanch is now extremely active in the movement. We met with several youth from the village including Prabhudan Naik, Daitary Jhodia, Dhudeshwar Jhodia, Subash Naik, Prakash Jhodia and Dhanurjay Jhodia.  

How did Maikanch get involved in the movement?
We started participating in the struggle close to 1998. The people from Maikanch used to go to Kucheipadar for the meetings. Gradually we formed our own village samiti in 1998. In the beginning, other villages were reluctant to join Kucheipadar. But as we saw the people of Kucheipadar resist the company, we all gained courage and joined in. Krushna, Maharaj and Lakshman used to tell us that neighbors should support each other. If the company takes over, we will not be neighbors any more. We will lose our land, water and all of us will suffer. They also told us that the bauxite dug from here will be processed elsewhere. We will see no benefit. In the beginning we heard them but were hesitant to join. Later on URDS, an NGO set up by the company came to build roads from our village to Baphilimali hill. We hoped that we would get daily wage jobs during the construction. But the work was given to others from outside the village. We realized that the same thing would happen to us if the company succeeded in setting up mining in our area. After this we joined hands with Kucheipadar.  

What are your primary concerns?
Our God is on Baphilimali hill. We don't want the company to mine the hill. We are worried about loss of our community and security. Our neighbors are all suffering. We should support them. Another primary concern is loss of water and lack of irrigation.  

What type of development would you like to see?
We have no irrigation for our fields. We would like to get irrigation from the river. Also, every village should have medical facilities. We don't have any medical facilities nor a doctor visiting our village. We would like to have a homeopathy clinic in our village. Every village should have a school.

A Note in Parting

Today, adivasis are fighting for their right to livelihood and for a dignified existence in several parts of India. For a country that prides itself on its rich diversity of culture, language and lifestyle, can India accommodate the adivasis in its development discussion?

More information about the Kashipur struggle is at http://www.stanford.edu/~amitm/kashipur/main.htm

You can sign a petition addressed to the Chief Minister of Orissa, at http://www.petitiononline.com/OrissaHR/petition.html